Category Archives: Donald Trump

Bill Barr is an abject GOP partisan; hence, he is publicly contradicting Donald Trump

To date, we have not seen fraud on a scale that could have effected a different outcome in the election. . . .

There’s been one assertion that would be systemic fraud and that would be the claim that machines were programmed essentially to skew the election results. And the DHS and DOJ have looked into that, and so far, we haven’t seen anything to substantiate that. — Attorney General William Barr

Much is being made of Bill Barr’s public comments that reject Trump’s whining that Joe Biden won only because of election fraud. Which raises questions.

Has Barr had a change of heart? Is he trying to resuscitate his tattered reputation? Has he belatedly decided to act as a principled attorney general?

None of the above. Bill Barr is carrying water for the Republican Party, as he has consistently done throughout his tenure in the Trump administration (and in previous Republican administrations).

Donald Trump is traveling to Georgia this weekend to campaign for two Republican senators. If Democrats win both races, Mitch McConnell is no longer majority leader. The party desperately needs Donald Trump to gin up the base so Georgia Republicans turn out to vote. Too much bellyaching about a fraudulent election by the narcissist-in-chief could discourage Trump’s legions and keep them at home.

Republicans, who have played along for weeks with Trump’s refusal to concede his defeat and his complaints of being cheated (because of fear of what their mercurial leader may do or say), are concerned about how these bizarre hysterics will affect the Georgia election. Someone needs to nudge the President nearer the real world so he doesn’t sandbag the GOP this weekend.

Bill Barr is bold enough to deliver a reality check to the President when partisan duty summons. The message has four days to sink in (and perhaps other GOP partisans will join the chorus).

(Image: The AG at May 13, 2019 candlelight vigil via Wikimedia Commons.)

President Donald Trump is brazenly attempting to subvert a democratic election in plain sight

The President of the United States is trying to steal the 2020 election, which he lost decisively to Joe Biden. He is doing so in plain sight, while the leaders of the Republican party either egg him on, play along with the dishonest charade, or remain mute.

President Trump has invited the leaders of Michigan’s Republican-controlled state legislature to meet him in Washington on Friday, according to a person familiar with those plans, as the president and his allies continue an extraordinary campaign to overturn the results of an election he lost.

Trump’s campaign has suffered defeats in courtrooms across the country in its efforts to allege irregularities with the ballot-counting process, and has failed to muster any evidence of the widespread fraud that the president continues to claim tainted the 2020 election.

Trump lost Michigan by a wide margin: At present, he trails President-Elect Joe Biden in the state by 157,000 votes. Earlier this week, the state’s Republican Senate majority leader said an effort to have legislators throw out election results was “not going to happen.”

But the president now appears to be using the full weight of his office to challenge the election results, as he and his allies reach out personally to state and local officials in an intensifying effort to halt the certification of the vote in key battleground states.

In an incendiary news conference in Washington, Rudolph W. Giuliani, the former New York mayor who is now serving as Trump’s lead attorney, made baseless claims that Biden had orchestrated a national conspiracy to rig the vote.

Trump’s team appear to be increasingly focused on Michigan as a place where Republican officials — on the state’s Board of Canvassers and in the legislature — might be persuaded to overturn the results. — Tom Hamburger, Kayla Ruble, David A. Fahrenthold, and Josh Dawsey (“Trump invites Michigan Republican leaders to meet him at White House as he escalates attempts to overturn election results”). [Emphasis added.]

Rick Hasen, among the foremost authorities on election law, said this: “It’s easy to joke about this, and Rudy has become the butt of…jokes. On the other hand, this is deadly serious stuff. They’re talking about trying to disenfranchise hundreds of thousands of people, and take the election away from the winner and hand it to the loser.”

There are sixty-two days until the inauguration of Joe Biden. Donald Trump — whose public schedule has been virtually empty for the past two weeks — is virtually bunkered down in the White House. His attention is not on a raging coronavirus, which is infecting, hospitalizing, and killing an unprecedented number of Americans, but on how to disenfranchise hundreds of thousands of voters — mostly Black — so he can claim a victory that is not his.

And Republican leaders offer no objection. Professor Hasen has a message for them: “If you are in a position of power and you are wondering if now is the time to show some courage, the answer is unequivocally yes.”

While these efforts — of a flailing wannabe autocrat and his inept accomplices — appear to be playing out like a ridiculous farce, this is serious stuff. A presidential election and a peaceful transition of power in the United States of America are in the balance.

Even Trump’s critics, who have warned about the erosion of our democratic institutions, might have expected — after Biden’s substantial win seemed to put Trump beyond cheating distance — that by this time the leadership of the Republican Party would have pushed back against this reckless, lawless rampage.

But, these are the men and women who saw nothing in Trump’s shakedown of a foreign leader to warrant impeachment (or censure or even a slap on the wrist), the same folks who have watched as hundreds of thousands of Americans have died, as the White House shunned accountability, … and so on and so on and so on — for four years.

The leadership of the Republican Party is beneath contempt.

(Image: Rudy Giuliani’s theatre of the absurd press conference from The Guardian video.)

GOP deliberately chooses political advantage over national security and American lives

There is widespread alarm among congressional Republicans at how President Trump this week abruptly replaced Pentagon leaders with political allies, and sent signals he might do the same in the intelligence community, but for now lawmakers are refraining from overtly criticizing the moves for fear doing so could harm the party’s chances of holding on to its two Senate seats in Georgia. 

That report from this morning’s Washington Post (“Republicans muzzle anger over Trump’s Pentagon culling, afraid antagonizing him could imperil Georgia runoff,” by Karoun Demirjian) portrays Republicans as concerned with the President’s actions, but unwilling to go beyond offering “praise for Esper’s tenure and little else.”

Congressional aides say the anodyne public expressions represent a concerted attempt to self-muzzle, as the political party that prides itself on being strong on national security grapples with its fear of antagonizing an erratic and impulsive lame-duck president while battling to keep control of the Senate.

Further:

GOP aides described the sudden change in leadership as an “unwise” move that could cause “chaos” within the U.S. national security establishment as the country already is vulnerable to threats. Multiple GOP aides also surmised that the shake-up would hamper the incoming Biden administration if Trump’s newly chosen leaders and senior staff withhold information from his opponent’s transition team while the president contests the election outcome.

While Republicans regard themselves as a “political party that prides itself on being strong on national security,” they are unwilling to place national security above an upcoming election in Georgia. By now this is a familiar pattern — going back most dramatically to Trump’s deference, on the international stage, to an adversary by taking Vladimir Putin’s word over that of the Intelligence Community of the United States. The party’s unwillingness (with the exception of a single Senator) to hold their party’s leader accountable when he sought to extort the Ukrainian President to provide dirt on Joe Biden underscored the GOP’s priorities.

In another era, neither the leadership, nor the caucus of the Republican Party would have chosen to place partisan interests over national security concerns. By now, the habit is as well established as a sacred ritual.

Republicans recognized before Trump’s election in 2016 his unfitness for office. Through his actions, he has confirmed their judgment many times over. No matter what misdeed or malfeasance they witness, Republicans chose to either offer praise, meaningless murmurs of discomfort or gentle dissents, or silence. It is not politically advantageous to push back. No matter what the consequences to the nation or to Americans, partisan political advantage rules the day.

For the contemporary Republican Party, the choice is clear. And the indelible pattern extends beyond issues most closely associated with international relations and intelligence.

Yesterday, November 11, 1,565 people died of COVID in the United States. Overall deaths from the virus in this country exceed 242,000. Coronavirus hospitalizations nationwide exceed 60,000. Many states are approaching hospital capacity, yet even more concerning is the lack of qualified medical personnel to attend to the increasing numbers of sick patients. The rate of infection continues to grow. And yet — there is no national plan to defeat the coronavirus, not to amp up testing, to supply PPE, or to bring down the rate of infection. States, cities, and counties are on their own. The disastrous results are clear for all to see.

The President of the United States — as far as we can tell — is indifferent to this rising toll. There is no evidence that he has given a thought, since losing the election, to saving American lives from this scourge.

Furthermore — judging by its silence and inaction — the national Republican Party is willing to overlook this ongoing tragedy, which has flourished on Donald Trump’s watch.

Based on the 71 million votes cast for Trump, rank and file Republican voters embrace the indifference of the President and accept the deaths of family members, friends, and neighbors, as well as Americans with whom they have no direct connection.

This acceptance by the base, and the refusal to hold the President accountable, explains the calculation that Washington Republicans have made. If there is a line this party, its leaders, and its voters are unwilling to cross in support of Donald Trump, if there is a bridge too far, we haven’t yet reached it.

(Image: The first two items in Donald Trump’s twitter feed this afternoon. The top tweet is a fraudulent claim about voter fraud; the second is a complaint about Fox News. Trump’s concerns, and matters of indifference to him, are plain for all to see.)

Are Trump’s shocking, reckless outbursts not “the tirades of a tyrant, but the tantrums of a toddler”?

Eli Lake offers a commentary on Trump’s firing Secretary of Defense Mark Esper (who publicly disagreed with Trump about the wisdom of using the nation’s military to scatter peaceful demonstrators so the President could stroll to Lafayette Square for a photo op). Lake criticizes Donald Trump’s score-settling as “shocking, but predictable.” He suggests that, if Trump fires CIA Director Gina Haspel and FBI Director Christopher Wrey, this “would again be shocking, but not surprising.”

It appears now that he will leave office in the manner in which he has governed: recklessly. The difference is that, now that he has lost his bid for re-election, his outbursts are not the tirades of a tyrant, but the tantrums of a toddler. Trump could have accepted defeat and focused on the fact that his presidency has remade both the Republican Party and the American political map. If he wished to run in 2024, he could start making that argument now.

By pronouncing Trump’s eruptions this week as “the tantrums of a toddler,” rather than “the tirades of a tyrant,” Lake diminishes their significance. A reckless president is capable of doing ample damage in the next two months. Furthermore, this is unconvincing:

… Trump did not prove himself to be the authoritarian menace that his opposition claims. Trump could have fired Esper then and there. Instead he waited and seethed, sounding like a dictator but not acting like one. Only now, when he actually is a lame duck, is Trump choosing to settle scores.

A tyrant isn’t defanged simply because he chooses when to retaliate.

Moreover, something more consequential goes unmentioned: the compliance — whether eager or reluctant, over four years of erratic “outbursts” — of the Republican Party with the wannabe autocrat. That compliance, coming again and again, has ensured that the ongoing damage to our national interests and security is altogether predictable. If not for their willingness to countenance Trump’s off the rails words and deeds, Republican leaders might have kept him in check.

Instead, Republicans have folded. While Trump is still subject in some measure to institutional constraints, we can expect to see more unsurprising, reckless conduct over the next two months because Republicans are content to play along.

The elephant in the room

“What is the downside for humoring him for this little bit of time?” asked a Republican about playacting while Trump refuses to admit that he lost the election. This is identical to the calculation Republicans have made regarding the bluster, bullying, and incoherence throughout Trump’s entire term in office.

Today in Washington, Republican officials — in particular those who foresee a possible Republican primary in their future — are rallying around Trump. They’re either all-in with the nonsense about voting irregularities and fraud, or they pretend that his lies, delusions, complaints, and resistance are standard procedure after a presidential election. What they won’t do is push back. With this refusal, they enable.

Eli Lake credits Donald Trump with these accomplishments: “his presidency has remade both the Republican Party and the American political map.”

Lake doesn’t acknowledge that Trump’s remaking of the Republican Party has placed the United States in peril. The most significant threat to a wise, prudent foreign policy (as well as to wise, prudent domestic policies) from January 2016 through January 2021 is the servility of the Republican Party to an insecure, vengeful president and a base willing to do his bidding. It is disappointing that Lake hasn’t noticed this pattern.

(Photograph by Doug Mills of the New York Times.)

News Quiz: Which Washington Post headline isn’t like the others?

The first six headlines as I scrolled the Washington Post on my phone this evening (the evening of November 11 in California, but already November 12 in D.C.) all appear on the webpage:

  • “More Republicans back legal push to contest Biden’s victory”
  • “Despite lack of evidence, GOP forms ranks around Trump”
  • “Barr clears Justice Dept. to investigate alleged voting irregularities as  Trump makes unfounded fraud claims”
  • “Biden behaves as the incoming president, even as Trump balks at giving up power”
  • “White House, escalating tensions, orders agencies to rebuff Biden transition team”
  • “Long-standing ties between Biden and McConnell could shape early agenda”

Here’s a hint: Five headlines share a theme — that the outcome of the election is in doubt. Voting irregularities and fraud render the results illegitimate, which explains lawsuits filed by the Trump campaign and investigations launched by the Justice Department, and make ushering in a democratic transition of power out of the question.

As Republicans rally ’round an angry president in denial, recall Donald Trump’s leadership role in promulgating the birther theory, which sought to delegitimize the Obama presidency. With the cries of fraud in 2020, Republicans seek to delegitimze the Biden presidency before the transition has begun.

Oh, yeah, and then there’s the headline that suggests that because Biden and McConnell have long-standing ties, perhaps they’ll have a smooth working relationship beginning on January 20, 2021.

But, hold on! If you were, say, the Majority Leader of the United States Senate, would you be willing to work with a man put into office illegitimately, a usurper who cheated his way into the White House? Wouldn’t you be justified in obstructing that man at every turn? Wouldn’t your base expect that? (That’s what McConnell and Graham and Cruz and Barr and McCarthy and others are signalling to the base now, isn’t it? That they shouldn’t expect to see cooperation because the other side is illegitimate.)

“Stop The Count! Stop The Count! Stop The Count!” “Count The Votes! Count The Votes! Count the Votes!”

Trump supporters crowded outside a voting center in Michigan were chanting to stop the count, while Trump supporters across the country in Arizona were chanting to count the votes.

The Trump strategy to steal the election, thus far, seems as well thought out as Trump’s plans to replace the ACA with something even better. More a favorite talking point than an actual plan.

As I noted on September 28, a successful effort to steal the election would rely on Republican operatives, with Trump simply giving signals: ‘The linchpin: “if his Republican allies play the parts he assigns them.” ‘

Most Republicans aren’t playing along at this stage, in stark contrast to the successful effort to “Stop the count” in Florida in 2000. As Rachel Maddow observed in a 2009 look back at the Brooks Brothers riot to intimidate officials to stop counting ballots in Miami-Dade, the ruckus was well planned. New York State Chairman of the Republican Party, Brendan Quinn, and New York Republican Congressman John Sweeney organized the the effort.

As Maddow explained, “The mob that the GOP sent to stop that count in Miami was billed at the time as a spontaneous, grassroots uprising …,” but it consisted of national Republican operatives — none from Miami — at least a half dozen who were paid for their services. Maddow identifies several of them by name and position — 1 though 10 — in the photo above.

“Many of these Brooks Brothers rioters went on to pretty good jobs in the Bush-Cheney administration,” Maddow reports. “That mob scene they participated in became something that Republicans put on their resumes.”

The Brooks Brothers riot occurred in early December, a month after the election. So there’s plenty of time for mischief in 2020 — and well into January 2021 for that matter. But thus far, it appears that Trump is flailing away without much effective, organized support. And — as I wrote on Wednesday — many Washington Republicans (even those, I suggest, who — as reported today — believe that Trump’s campaign carried them to reelection this week) almost certainly welcome a Biden White House after four years of Trump. There are distinct advantages to escaping from Trump’s craziness, while gaining an unalloyed partisan enemy (whom I’m sure McConnell believes will likely serve a single term) at the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue.

A perspective that clarifies the agenda of the contemporary Republican party

Ten days after the FBI broke up a domestic terrorist plot to kidnap and murder Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, Donald Trump encouraged rally goers (shoulder to shoulder, without masks, cheering and jeering in the midst of rising rates of coronavirus infection and hospitalization) to chant, “Lock her up,” while adding himself: “Lock ’em all up.”

As we approach an election that will likely deliver an emphatic defeat to the President, two prominent Republican Senators, Ben Sasse and John Cornyn, offered criticism of their party’s leader, but no condemnation of either his campaign to delegitimize the election or his musings about jailing his political opponents (including Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, and Joe Biden). Washington Republicans refuse to acknowledge these expressions of an increasingly authoritarian chief executive as causes for concern.

Meanwhile, the United States Senate, controlled by a party dominated by a shrinking base — mostly white, mostly men, shrugging off the twin crises of a raging pandemic that is hardly slowing down and a struggling economy months or years away from full recovery, is rushing toward confirmation of a justice of the Supreme Court. Why the rush? Ronald Brownstein offers an analysis that puts the issue into context:

The historic number of Americans who stood in long lines to cast their ballot in cities from Atlanta to Houston symbolizes the diverse, urbanized Democratic coalition that will make it very difficult for the GOP to win majority support in elections through the 2020s. That hill will get only steeper as Millennials and Generation Z grow through the decade to become the largest generations in the electorate.

Every young conservative judge that the GOP has stacked onto the federal courts amounts to a sandbag against that rising demographic wave. Trump’s nominations to the Supreme Court of Brett Kavanaugh, Neil Gorsuch, and Barrett—whom a slim majority of Republican senators appears determined to seat by Election Day—represent the capstone of that strategy. As the nation’s growing racial and religious diversity limits the GOP’s prospects, filling the courts with conservatives constitutes what the Princeton University historian Sean Wilentz calls “the right-wing firewall” against a country evolving electorally away from the party.

Small-d democratic governance is antithetical to the success of the contemporary Republican Party. Voter suppression and gerrymandering are central tenets of the GOP’s electoral strategy, while the party has come to rely on the courts to stifle the aspirations of a burgeoning American majority. 

(Image of Donald Trump intoning, “Lock ’em all up,” from WZZM13 on YouTube.)

A contagious Trump, back at White House/Walter Reed Hospital Annex, preens and postures as a strongman

NBC News via YouTube.

A sick man with access to the finest, state of the art therapies and exceptional medical doctors, returns to his residence. With all the resources of the federal government available, he is as safe and secure as if he were still tucked into a bed next to the presidential suite at Walter Reed, which is a ten-minute helicopter ride away.

Heedless of anyone else’s welfare, he has revealed (time and time and time and time and time again) — in the face of more than 210,000 American deaths and 7 million infections — his character for all to see.

(Another tell on the man’s character: Neither the White House, nor Trump’s physicians have answered questions about the President’s most recent negative test. While Trump has repeatedly claimed that he is tested everyday, that’s difficult to take at face value. The test is hardly comfortable. I suspect that the would-be strongman has been unwilling to submit to daily testing.)

Sean Hannity, a master of misdirection and duplicity, proclaims a great man — on par with Churchill and FDR.

HANNITY: Remember 1933 during the height of The Great Depression, my father was growing up in those years, on the brink of a World War. Franklin Delano Roosevelt proclaiming we have nothing to fear but fear itself. A reminder. 

[CLIP BEGINS]

PRESIDENT FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: Let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself. Nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror. Which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. 

[CLIP ENDS]

HANNITY: And on the other side of the Atlantic — 1940 — the great Winston Churchill echoed this fearless call to action. A powerful address. Victory at all costs. Victory in spite of all terror. Victory however long and hard the road may be, for without victory, there is no survival. Remember this?

[CLIP BEGINS]

WINSTON CHURCHILL: I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat. You ask, what is our aim? I can only say one word — Victory. Victory at all costs. Victory in spite of all terror. Victory, however long and hard the road may be, for without victory, there is no survival. 

[CLIP ENDS]

HANNITY: And during the bombing of Britain, where was he everyday? Going out, risking his life, being among the people of Great Britain. In times of great hardship you must fight for survival. And that is exactly what the President has done during this country’s battle against COVID-19. 

Not everyone will agree with that assessment. I suppose we might regard the campaign video Trump made immediately upon his return to the White House as a Rorschach test:

I just left Walter Reed Medical Center, and it’s really something very special– the doctors, the nurses, the first responders. And I learned so much about Coronavirus. And one thing that’s for certain, don’t let it dominate you. Don’t be afraid of it. You’re going to beat it. We have the best medical equipment. We have the best medicines, all developed recently. And you’re going to beat it.

I went, I didn’t feel so good. And two days ago– I could have left two days ago. Two days ago, I felt great, like better than I have in a long time. I said just recently, better than 20 years ago. Don’t let it dominate. Don’t let it take over your lives. Don’t let that happen.

We have the greatest country in the world. We’re going back. We’re going back to work. We’re going to be out front. As your leader, I had to do that. I knew there’s danger to it, but I had to do it. I stood out front. I led. Nobody that’s a leader would not do what I did. And I know there’s a risk. There’s a danger, but that’s OK. And now I’m better. And maybe I’m immune, I don’t know.

But don’t let it dominate your lives. Get out there. Be careful. We have the best medicines in the world. And there all happened very shortly, and they’re all getting approved. And the vaccines are coming momentarily. Thank you very much. And Walter Reed, what a group of people. Thank you very much.

A KFF poll last month revealed the remarkable faith of the Republican base — in spite of all evidence to the contrary — in Donald Trump’s commitment to preserving the ACA’s guarantee of coverage for pre-existing conditions.

https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/01/upshot/trump-pre-existing-conditions-polls.html

Said one voter: “I truly, in my heart of hearts, believe that even though he sometimes says things I don’t like, and acts in ways I wish he wouldn’t, I still think he has everybody’s best interest at heart.”

Will the Republican base — mistrustful of the mainstream media, medicine and science, and the liberal elite — accept Trump’s coronavirus worldview? Perhaps so. But that base, by November 3, may be considerably smaller than it was in November 2016.

Time will tell.

The American COVID-19 death toll on Donald Trump’s watch is more than 200,000 and counting

According to the Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center, 200,710 Americans have died of COIVD-19, while 6,890,662 Americans have become infected. Tens of thousands of Americans who have survived the virus continue to suffer a range of serious symptoms (including “fatigue, a racing heartbeat, shortness of breath, achy joints, foggy thinking, a persistent loss of sense of smell, and damage to the heart, lungs, kidneys, and brain”). They haven’t recovered. We don’t yet know whether, or to what extent, they will.

In no other country in the world is the toll of infection, suffering, and death as high as it is in the United States of America.

The President of the United States — who has refused to make and implement a plan to defeat the coronavirus — evinces indifference to this toll, as he campaigns for reelection before thousands of mostly unmasked followers failing to maintain any semblance of social distance, and tells them stories, as he did last night in Ohio:

We now know the disease. We didn’t know it. It affects elderly people – elderly people with heart problems and other problems. If they have other problems that’s what it really affects. That’s it.

You know, in some states thousands of people – nobody young. Below the age of 18, like, nobody. They have a strong immune system, who knows? Take you hat off for the young, because they have a hell of an immune system.

But it affects virtually nobody. It’s an amazing thing.

By the way, open your schools. Everybody, open your schools.

The President is lying. Recordings of Bob Woodward’s interviews reveal that in March, six months ago, Trump understood the gravity of the threat the virus posed to Americans, though he deliberately downplayed it in his public statements. “I still like playing it down, because I don’t want to create a panic,” he told Woodard on March 19.

Trump knew the virus was airborne, that it was much more deadly than the flu, and that it affected young and old alike. On March 7, he told Woodward:

“It’s turning out, it’s not just old people. Just today and yesterday, some startling facts came out. It’s not just old, older. Young people too, plenty of young people.

 

Donald Trump understands the risks the virus poses and, where his personal health is concerned, he respects the simple guidelines for staying safe. Earlier this month in Nevada, before Trump spoke at a rally of unmasked followers crowded into an indoor auditorium, he had this exchange with Deborah Saunders, a reporter with the Las Vegas Review-Journal:

Aren’t you concerned about getting COVID though in an enclosed room?

No, I’m not concerned. I’m more concerned about how close you are.

Sorry about that. 

You know why? I’m on a stage that’s pretty far away. And so I’m not at all concerned.

Trump understands social distancing. And – behind him, at stage level – the fans wear masks. It is the thousands of followers in the main auditorium, crowded together unmasked but far from the President, who are most at risk.

And by all accounts, they believe Trump when he tells them the risks don’t exist, or perhaps as a signal of their embrace of their leader, they choose to accept the risks.

When the Republican Lieutenant Governor of Ohio, Jon Husted, modeled a ‘Trump 2020’ face mask before Trump spoke at the rally, he was booed and heckled.

As I noted in a previous post, at a Michigan rally earlier this month, when CNN reporter Jim Acosta asked folks who came to cheer on Trump, why they weren’t wearing masks, they were dismissive. “It’s my prerogative,” “Because there’s no COVID. It’s a fake pandemic created to destroy the United States of America.…,” and “I’m not afraid. The good lord takes care of me. If I die, I die. We gotta get this country moving.…”

A certain number of Trump acolytes will acquire the virus at a rally. Some will become ill, some will die, some will infect others who will die.

Trump knows this. He knows, when he urges, “Everybody, open your schools,” that the virus hasn’t been contained. He knows, when he says, “I want football back,” that a number of Americans will die this fall as a result.  He understands, as he has for many months, when he urges governors to reopen their states to business, that — until the virus disappears (as he promises repeatedly) — Americans will die because they’ve become infected on the job or as customers in face to face interactions unless they take the precautions that he has taken (but which he publicly dismisses).

Trump is shielded from infection, not just at rallies, but in the White House. Here is an exchange during a recent presidential press briefing:

Q But my question is: Why not wear it more often or have the White House staff wear it more often to set an example for the country?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I’m tested, and I’m sometimes surprised when I see somebody sitting and — like, with Joe. Joe feels very safe in a mask. I don’t know, maybe he doesn’t want to expose his face. I don’t know what’s going on. He’ll be way away from people, nowhere near people — there will be nobody with him. He doesn’t draw any crowds. He’ll have circles. These big circles. They’ll be way far away. There’s no reason for him to have masks on.

We get tested — I’m tested; I have people tested. When people come into the Oval Office, it’s like a big deal. No matter who they are — if they’re heads of countries, they all get tested. So I’m in sort of a different position. And maybe if I wasn’t in that position, I’d be wearing it more. But I’ve worn masks. And especially I like to wear them when I’m in hospital. Not for me so much as for other people. Okay?

The illnesses and deaths of Americans are not just numbers. Individuals with connections to others — people who are parents, grandparents, siblings, friends, neighbors, shopkeepers, customers, colleagues — have lost their lives, one at a time, mostly dying apart from the folks who love them, who will miss them the most. The vast majority of the Americans who have perished as a result of the pandemic, if not for Donald Trump’s fecklessness and recklessness, would still be alive today.

And the spread of infection, the misery, and the death toll continue to increase.

CDC posts new guidelines Friday afternoon, then abruptly withdraws guidelines on Monday

This is no way to run a public health agency — but in the Trump era, with an election on the line, it’s business as usual. It both generates public confusion and damages the credibility of an authoritative voice. But for the Trump campaign (and FNC, Breitbart, …) destroying confidence in credible sources is a means of abetting confusion, and that is a deliberate strategy.

(Image of Donald Trump flanked by HHS Secretary Alex Azar and CDC Director Robert Redfield from March 2020 Bloomberg video.)