Tag Archives: Bob Woodward

The American COVID-19 death toll on Donald Trump’s watch is more than 200,000 and counting

According to the Johns Hopkins Coronavirus Resource Center, 200,710 Americans have died of COIVD-19, while 6,890,662 Americans have become infected. Tens of thousands of Americans who have survived the virus continue to suffer a range of serious symptoms (including “fatigue, a racing heartbeat, shortness of breath, achy joints, foggy thinking, a persistent loss of sense of smell, and damage to the heart, lungs, kidneys, and brain”). They haven’t recovered. We don’t yet know whether, or to what extent, they will.

In no other country in the world is the toll of infection, suffering, and death as high as it is in the United States of America.

The President of the United States — who has refused to make and implement a plan to defeat the coronavirus — evinces indifference to this toll, as he campaigns for reelection before thousands of mostly unmasked followers failing to maintain any semblance of social distance, and tells them stories, as he did last night in Ohio:

We now know the disease. We didn’t know it. It affects elderly people – elderly people with heart problems and other problems. If they have other problems that’s what it really affects. That’s it.

You know, in some states thousands of people – nobody young. Below the age of 18, like, nobody. They have a strong immune system, who knows? Take you hat off for the young, because they have a hell of an immune system.

But it affects virtually nobody. It’s an amazing thing.

By the way, open your schools. Everybody, open your schools.

The President is lying. Recordings of Bob Woodward’s interviews reveal that in March, six months ago, Trump understood the gravity of the threat the virus posed to Americans, though he deliberately downplayed it in his public statements. “I still like playing it down, because I don’t want to create a panic,” he told Woodard on March 19.

Trump knew the virus was airborne, that it was much more deadly than the flu, and that it affected young and old alike. On March 7, he told Woodward:

“It’s turning out, it’s not just old people. Just today and yesterday, some startling facts came out. It’s not just old, older. Young people too, plenty of young people.

 

Donald Trump understands the risks the virus poses and, where his personal health is concerned, he respects the simple guidelines for staying safe. Earlier this month in Nevada, before Trump spoke at a rally of unmasked followers crowded into an indoor auditorium, he had this exchange with Deborah Saunders, a reporter with the Las Vegas Review-Journal:

Aren’t you concerned about getting COVID though in an enclosed room?

No, I’m not concerned. I’m more concerned about how close you are.

Sorry about that. 

You know why? I’m on a stage that’s pretty far away. And so I’m not at all concerned.

Trump understands social distancing. And – behind him, at stage level – the fans wear masks. It is the thousands of followers in the main auditorium, crowded together unmasked but far from the President, who are most at risk.

And by all accounts, they believe Trump when he tells them the risks don’t exist, or perhaps as a signal of their embrace of their leader, they choose to accept the risks.

When the Republican Lieutenant Governor of Ohio, Jon Husted, modeled a ‘Trump 2020’ face mask before Trump spoke at the rally, he was booed and heckled.

As I noted in a previous post, at a Michigan rally earlier this month, when CNN reporter Jim Acosta asked folks who came to cheer on Trump, why they weren’t wearing masks, they were dismissive. “It’s my prerogative,” “Because there’s no COVID. It’s a fake pandemic created to destroy the United States of America.…,” and “I’m not afraid. The good lord takes care of me. If I die, I die. We gotta get this country moving.…”

A certain number of Trump acolytes will acquire the virus at a rally. Some will become ill, some will die, some will infect others who will die.

Trump knows this. He knows, when he urges, “Everybody, open your schools,” that the virus hasn’t been contained. He knows, when he says, “I want football back,” that a number of Americans will die this fall as a result.  He understands, as he has for many months, when he urges governors to reopen their states to business, that — until the virus disappears (as he promises repeatedly) — Americans will die because they’ve become infected on the job or as customers in face to face interactions unless they take the precautions that he has taken (but which he publicly dismisses).

Trump is shielded from infection, not just at rallies, but in the White House. Here is an exchange during a recent presidential press briefing:

Q But my question is: Why not wear it more often or have the White House staff wear it more often to set an example for the country?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I’m tested, and I’m sometimes surprised when I see somebody sitting and — like, with Joe. Joe feels very safe in a mask. I don’t know, maybe he doesn’t want to expose his face. I don’t know what’s going on. He’ll be way away from people, nowhere near people — there will be nobody with him. He doesn’t draw any crowds. He’ll have circles. These big circles. They’ll be way far away. There’s no reason for him to have masks on.

We get tested — I’m tested; I have people tested. When people come into the Oval Office, it’s like a big deal. No matter who they are — if they’re heads of countries, they all get tested. So I’m in sort of a different position. And maybe if I wasn’t in that position, I’d be wearing it more. But I’ve worn masks. And especially I like to wear them when I’m in hospital. Not for me so much as for other people. Okay?

The illnesses and deaths of Americans are not just numbers. Individuals with connections to others — people who are parents, grandparents, siblings, friends, neighbors, shopkeepers, customers, colleagues — have lost their lives, one at a time, mostly dying apart from the folks who love them, who will miss them the most. The vast majority of the Americans who have perished as a result of the pandemic, if not for Donald Trump’s fecklessness and recklessness, would still be alive today.

And the spread of infection, the misery, and the death toll continue to increase.

Amid deep background reporting and anonymous bravado, the overall picture is unchanged: a train wreck of a presidency

In a week when Bob Woodward’s “Fear” paints in chilling detail a portrait of a White House engulfed in conflict, chaos, and covert insubordination, and an anonymous op-ed in the New York Times attests to the derisive views of President Trump by those closest to him and persistent workarounds to keep him from getting his way, what have we learned?

Conflict in presidential administrations is commonplace. Appointees often represent wings of a political party with different priorities than the president. Directives are often ignored by cabinet members. Aides try to protect the president from his worse impulses. This is all normal.

“But,” Jonathan Bernstein writes, “what we’re hearing about in these Trump stories is sort of a radical version of standard operating procedure for White House staff and the executive branch when faced with a president who is utterly unfit for the job.”

Donald Trump is impulsive, indulges in reckless rants and incoherence, has a short attention span, is easily distracted, lacks intellectual curiosity, is ignorant of history and policy, and reveals an irrepressible narcissism. We already know all this (which touches only on Trump’s mental capacity, not on his prejudice, avarice, or lack of principle) from watching the public Donald Trump and, for anyone who reveres democratic government, this is frightening. In Bernstein’s words:

What’s really scary is that Trump’s ineptitude at his job means that the normal constraints that keep presidents from doing terrible things may simply not apply. Normal presidents care about their professional reputation among those they work with, and about their popularity among the nation at large, and so they attempt to do the sorts of things that would enhance their reputations and make voters like them. Because he’s unable to even try to do those things — because he has apparently has no sense at all of how the job works — Trump doesn’t see the clear warning signs and then back off things that damage himself and the nation.

Or, as my Bloomberg Opinion colleague Timothy L. O’Brien puts it, “he generally doesn’t care about the long-term damage he might inflict on himself or those around him as long as he’s the center of attention.” That’s truly scary because the entire political system, as those who have read Federalist 51 will recognize, depends on politicians who care deeply about avoiding damage to themselves.

Federalist 51, generally attributed to James Madison, describes the features of the Constitution intended to “furnish the proper checks and balances between different departments” of government, such as constraints on personal ambition and buffers against encroachment of one branch on another. As remarkable as Donald Trump’s incapacity is, equally remarkable is the implacable abdication of the Republican majority in Congress to provide oversight over the executive branch.

Two of the President’s ‘critics’ in the majority party – both of whom have chosen not to seek reelection, which would require them to face the GOP voter base (still in lockstep with Trump) – find no grounds for disputing the devastating portrait of their leader.

Senator Bob Corker: “This is what all of us have understood to be the situation from day one… I understand this is the case and that’s why I think all of us encourage the good people around the President to stay. I thank General Mattis whenever I see him…”

Senator Ben Sasse: “It’s just so similar to what so many of us hear from senior people around the White House, you know, three times a week. So it’s really troubling, and yet in a way, not surprising.”

Neither Senator proposed any activity by Congress to remedy the situation our nation finds itself in. Congressional investigations of the executive branch are commonplace, even when the same party controls both Congress and the White House. Yet taking a closer look at what is going on is not in the cards for this Congress.

There is ample evidence, dating back to Newt Gingrich’s first days as Speaker of the House, of Republicans paring back the capacity of Congress to do its job. The inability to repeal the Affordable Healthcare Act (aka Obamacare) is the most glaring example of this failure in the current Congress (in part because no one on the Republican side of the aisle had developed the policy expertise to understand the ACA or to craft a plausible alternative, and no one in the leadership or among committee chairmen cared enough to do so).

Nonetheless, Speaker Paul Ryan and his team, which encouraged investigation after investigation of Benghazi (while boasting that it would harm Hillary Clinton’s 2016 election prospects) hasn’t simply forgotten Congress’s investigative role. Republicans have actually catalogued scandals and controversies that Congress could be investigating, if it had the will to do so (which is anticipated if Democrats regain the majority in the House this fall). A partial list from Axios, which obtained a copy of a document prepared by House Republicans:

  • President Trump’s tax returns
  • Trump family businesses — and whether they comply with the Constitution’s emoluments clause, including the Chinese trademark grant to the Trump Organization
  • Trump’s dealings with Russia, including the president’s preparation for his meeting with Vladimir Putin
  • The payment to Stephanie Clifford — a.k.a. Stormy Daniels
  • James Comey’s firing
  • Trump’s firing of U.S. attorneys
  • Trump’s proposed transgender ban for the military
  • Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin’s business dealings
  • White House staff’s personal email use
  • Cabinet secretary travel, office expenses, and other misused perks
  • Discussion of classified information at Mar-a-Lago
  • Jared Kushner’s ethics law compliance
  • Dismissal of members of the EPA board of scientific counselors
  • The travel ban
  • Family separation policy
  • Hurricane response in Puerto Rico
  • Election security and hacking attempts
  • White House security clearances

Things aren’t normal in either the executive or legislative branches of government. (I’ll set aside for the moment consideration of the judicial branch, which will be transformed for at least a generation as Brett Kavanaugh takes a seat on the Supreme Court and the U.S. Senate continues to approve ideologues to district and appellate courts nationwide.)

Things aren’t normal because the Republican Party has become an outlier, trashing traditional governing norms whenever it has glimpsed a partisan advantage, while ignoring – and diverting attention from – the resulting harm to the country.

September 9, 2018 update: Barack Obama reentered the political fray on Friday, decrying the course our nation is on, the absence of checks and balances, and the urgency of changing direction.

“This is not normal. These are extraordinary times. And they’re dangerous times.”

Image: Dr. Richard Kimble (Harrison Ford) running for dear life in “The Fugitive.”